WHITES AND BLACKS OR THE QUESTION SETTLED 24,25

CHAPTER IV. THE PROBLEM— MUST THERE BE A RACE CONFLICT? 

"We will forget the Negro and say protection versus free trade." They went to the "country" with that cry, and through misrepresentations, the use of money and superior party management, they won, and Harrison was declared elected.

All at once, the Negro, who in the campaign was forgotten, again came into prominence as a vexatious subject. Newspaper after

newspaper was filled with column after column of news about the Negro. Everywhere you go one hears nothing discussed but the race question, men who want to be known as statesmen declaring that they see trouble coming to the country on account of the presence of two distinct races living here together — races that have lived together 250 years.

Mrs. Canfield is so moved that she must write a private letter, for the public, in which she sees the storm, and prays for some secure place in the skies, where she can look down and see "black heels on white necks."

General Sherman catches the disease, and tells the colored men to "start the trouble and the North will help." Albion W. Tourgee is very sick, and speaks of the power in conflict; and so with Cable and a number of others. The discussion of the subject intensifies the feeling here and makes sober men drunk; all scared, frightened, shaking with race ague, when really what so claims their attention in the day and keeps them awake at night, after all, is only a shadow on the wall, a bubble on the wave, a political spook originated by politicians on one side to

hold the Negro back, and discussed on the other to keep the South solid for the South's protection; protection not so much against the Negro, as against those white persons who use the Negro for their own selfish good.

There are a number of Republicans who are anxious to have the Negro see something serious in the race question; for they, as the Negro's pretended best friends, will have to settle the question or solve the problem; and while this is being done, of course the Negro must continue to do whatever they tell him. In a talk about the matter with a Columbus Enquirer-Sun reporter I

said, in answer to his remark:

"What do you think of the race question?"

"It is being made serious by the attention given to it.

It is exceedingly strange to me that there should be so

much anxiety and interest on either side.

The Negroes and white people lived here together nearly two hundred and fifty years prior to emancipation friendly and without clashing, and I don't see why they cannot continue to do

so for a million years, notwithstanding the relation of master and slave has been changed to employer and employee.

The talk of getting rid of the Negro to make room for the foreigners, who come from the old country and refuse to come South, instead of Northwest, on account of their dislike of Negro competition and association is utter foolishness.

No laborer can be found in the world able to take the place of the colored man in this section. You may not raise cotton, and still the Negro will be needed. The white laborers will force

from you, when they come here, should you try the experiment, liberties, privileges and rights which the colored laborers never dream of obtaining.

When white laborers take hold of the Southland, then you will see the laborers in the saddles and the employers on foot. Then will come socialism, anarchy and all the evils which necessarily follow."

It is politics first, politics last and politics all the time

which brings about the race disturbances. If there is to be a conflict, it must be a conflict brought on entirely by the whites. No considerable number of Negroes dream of causing any unpleasantness, much less do they talk about it. The white men certainly will not attack the blacks anyhow, notwithstanding these blacks continually cry peace.

For as I said to the governor, the law- makers and the great body of good citizens in Georgia belonging to the Anglo-Saxon race in my open letter:

What honor, what “glory” is derived from a man whipping a babe or how many laurels will crown the brow of the warrior who only fight-; puny women and undeveloped children? It may be that the women are quarrelsome at times and the children annoying, still the strong, muscular man must understand that neither the one nor the other can be considered, when hostilities are declared, his equal.

Such is the case with the great body of my people: they are weak while you are strong. They are poor while you are rich: they are young in experience while you are old: they are disorganized while you are organized: and in fad they are so small in comparison to your she, that really to attack them is to make every man who believes in fair play say "for shame, that they do not fight their equals."